Islamic finance
Before
discussing Islamic finance, its best to discuss Islamic economics as a
more comprehensive field before delving specifically into Islamic finance.
Going into Islamic economics would serve a better understanding of Islamic
finance and its banking operations and provides a more holistic basis to the
idea.
Introduction
Islamic
economics and the subsequent Islamic finance were shaped into a separate form
of discipline with its own doctrine rather recently in the 1970s. Prior to
that, classical Muslim scholars have contributed to shaping this doctrine, with
Ibn Khaldun contributing the most to this thought, and all this is grounded on
the outlines of the teachings of the Qur’an and Sunnah 1,400 years ago.
In 1976, the
first international Islamic conference on economics was held in Mecca and this is
seen as the birth of Islamic economics as a doctrine and especially as a
science with its many theories. Roger Arnold (2008) stated that theory in
itself is an abstraction of reality, and science itself can be described as a
home of theories. The interesting thing with developing Islamic economics is to
find the source of knowledge for contribution to it, whether from a rationalist
perspective or empiricist perspective. Logical positivism, which is closely
related to empiricism, states that truth must be logical, evidence-based or
based on logical analysis. This would mean that Islamic economists, in attempting
to produce Islamic finance products, should conduct a logical analysis on how
such a product would produce benefits for mankind.
Arnold
(2008) talks about the development of Islamic economics, which started off as a
separate discipline on the outcome of the Mecca 1976 “International conference
in Islamic economics”. Initially, Islamic economics developed as a response to
the many conventional practices dominating the Islamic world then. For
instance, the British set up their own Ottoman Imperial Bank on formerly
Ottoman territories that practiced riba (interest), but this did not augur well with
the Muslims.
The
establishment of riba-based banking systems and finance were a problem in other
parts of the Muslim world too, including Pakistan and Malaysia. All this led to the
resurgence of the need for implementation of an Islamic system that came in the
form of the 1976 conference. It paved the way for Islamic banking systems to be
developed much later on. However, there were several diverging schools of
thought on the issue of riba itself that ensued after the conference.
The first
is the Usury-riba school, which allowed for interest as long it does not amount
to usury, or excessive interest. As anathema as it may sound now, this view has
been adopted at some point in history in the Islamic world. For instance,
Mehmet Effendi the Ottoman grand mufti (d. 1574), once issued a fatwa
permitting interest-based lending on Islamic waqf (Khan, 2015). Indeed, during
the early days o the introduction of Islamic banks, several scholars allowed
interest-based lending in their respective countries, for instance Rashid Ridha
in Egypt, and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and Fazlur Rahman in India (Siddiqi, 2004).
However, this view did not gain wide acceptance in the Muslim world.
These
scholars, view interest as a lubricant for the economy and stated that the
actual riba that was prohibited was actually riba al-jahiliah that was
practiced at the time of the Prophet. That type of riba would charge double
interest to lenders who would make late payments and seemed highly oppressive
in nature. The dominant view of riba however states that the interest should be
avoided altogether and not merely usury and it is this view that prevailed
until today.
Islamic economists
agree that mudarabah financing (profit sharing based on the relationship between entrepreneur and financier, with a pre-agreed ratio) is the best type of Islamic financing to be used
and it should be the ideal form used widely by Islamic banks. However, it
eventually became apparent that murabahah (mark-up price) was the form that dominated instead,
and it still is leading in popularity up to this day. Indeed, Harran (1995)
estimated that murabahah financing comprised around 80-90% of financial
instruments in the Islamic world between 1970 to 1990. A few years after, Ahmed
(1993) stated that murabahah is “declining in the overall financing operations
of the Islamic banks”, however almost three decades later, murabahah financing
is still the preferred choice for many.
Many
countries tried to implement Islamic finance in the system, but they faced many
challenges and were not entirely successful. Interest-based banking systems
were not able to be abolished. Some of the reasons for this was the difficulty of
implementing Islamic finance on public and external debt and monetary policy
(Omar and Haqq 1996). Two schools emerged on how to deal with this situation
for Islamic economics, the aspiration oriented and the reality-oriented school,
the former taking a more rigid approach, and striving for the complete
replacement of the current economic system with a sharia-based approach, while
the latter accepts the current situation of Islamic finance and succumbs to the
dominance of Murabahah. This paper will touch more on this idea.
Mohsin Khan
(1987), belongs to the aspiration-oriented school and is of the view that
Islamic institutions that uses a two-tier mudaraba system would have a quicker
recovery rate of their balance sheets at the time of recession, compared to conventional
ones. This is due to the former combining assets and liabilities together, as
opposed to conventional ones. He then argues about the rapid growth of Islamic
finance, and presented opinions by scholars on the impermissibility of tawarruq
and the reasons for that impermissibility (including the fact that it closely
mimics conventional financing with riba’).
In averring
for Islamic economics, many Muslim scholars tend to be more comfortable
discussing issues among other Muslim scholars in their own conferences. This is
presented as a disadvantage by some, since the idea of Islamic economics seems
not to branch out and gain input from conventional economists. While it is true
to state that more discussions should be done with conventional economists to
gain and learn from them, focus should be done on the products of Islamic
finance and to gain a distinct differentiation from conventional products as
well as practices that is also at the same time more superior.
Islamic
economy as a thought, is developing in the Muslim world, but presenting it to
the those of other faiths to be accepted as this superior model is still a
challenge. More and more non-Muslims have a better understanding of Islamic
economics and Islamic finance nowadays compared to before, and will be readily
accepting of the concept, but they would choose it as an alternative at times,
rather than a better choice, if indeed it is taken to be such.
Islamic
banks
Islamic
banking is an alternative concept to the dominant banking system which lacks
the moral and societal aspects, especially those existing within the framework
of Western and secular economic system. The first Islamic banks were
established in Egypt in 1963, and since then there have been many countries
that have established Islamic banks and adopted the Islamic financial system as
a mainstream system in their countries, including having a regulatory body and naturally,
a specific, separate regulations for the system. Islamic banks differentiate
themselves from conventional ones by their abiding of the Sharia and rest on
the concept of avoiding riba, gharar and maysir.
In line with
the above, Islamic banks differ from conventional ones in that it does not
offer interest bearing deposit accounts but offers a profit-sharing and
loss-bearing scheme. At least this is what the Islamic banks strive for,
however as mentioned their products include debt-based as well. The annual
growth of the Islamic banks portrays a promising prospect ahead, with a 15%
worldwide growth for the past 10 years, and it even outpaced the growth of
conventional banking and currently has an asset amounting to US$300 billion.
This is among others due to the growing awareness of Muslims to abide by the
principle of avoiding riba, as its explicit prohibition is expressed in the
Qur’an, as well as the overall attractiveness of using Islamic products to
identify with their faith.
The global
Islamic market has also seen an increase with an average annual growth rate of
10-20% for the past decade, witnessing the growth of Islamic equity, Islamic
financial asset, Islamic money market and as well as takaful.
Facing
the financial crisis
When facing the financial crisis, there are many papers that
discuss about how Islamic banks are more resilient and are able to withhold the
crisis at hand ((Mohamed and
Muhammed, 2017, Hassan and Dridi, 2011, Beck et al, 2013). During
the 2008 financial crisis for instance, conventional banks were facing major
effects on their businesses as the crisis has mostly to do with the riba’
financial system. The Islamic financial system on the other hand, could provide
an alternative scenario for this whereby the financial crisis could have been
contained. Indeed, during the crisis itself, Islamic banks were spared the full
brunt of the impact.
Whereas
it was the conventional banks that felt the major waves, Islamic banks
encountered the effects of mostly ripples, and that of which as a result of
being a part of the global financial system. It should be noted that any major
impact on conventional banks will indefinitely result in some kind of impact on
Islamic banks, although various papers have shown that the effects on Islamic
banks were much less adverse compared to their conventional counterparts
The resilience of Islamic banks can be
attributed to the higher levels of capitalizations compared to conventional
banks which relies more on debt (Beck et al, 2013). Baber (2018) noted on the
resilience of Islamic banks but suggest re-evaluations by those who consider
derivatives and short selling as “Islamic”.
Korbi and Bougatef (2017) noted that Islamic banks are less stable compared
to conventional banks in terms of regulatory capital. Werner (2015) argues against
regulating capital adequacy of banks as there are insufficient evidences to
show that it could avert a financial crisis, bringing an example of Credit
Suisse. Werner (2014) attempts to empirically test the theory of banking and posits that there are
evidences to back up the credit creation theory of banking and that many banks
were engaging in creating money out of nothing which exacerbated the crisis.
The
crisis is also described as a crisis of morality (Siddiqi, 2008), failed
morality is seen as leading to corrupt practices, greed and exploitation. The
failure is further demonstrated in the lack of information by the loan
providers about the potential risk involved in the transactions. Islamic
banking that champions ethical practices should be transparent about lending
risks as well as assessing lenders capabilities of repayment.
However,
not all agree on this straightforward view of the dominance that Islamic banks
would have with regards to facing a financial crisis. Of course, at the end of
the day, the people constituting the Islamic banks are still humans, are will
be tempted to fall into corrupt or lax practices. But beyond that, there are
reasons to believe that even if with better individuals, Islamic banks could
face a similar conundrum come a financial crisis.
Ahmed
(2009) postulated that Islamic banks could end up in just a similar, if not the
same situation as conventional banks, having the circumstances surrounding, in
favour of such an occurrence. Accoding to him, this is due to the current
nature of Islamic finance, which offers similar products as, and more often
than not mimics, those of conventional products. Many criticisms have been
levelled in this regard by Islamic economists and the need to distinguish
themselves is considered pressing. To offset this, it is important for Islamic
banks to continue to depart from conventional based financing and move to a
more independent direction.
The current structure
To discuss the structure of the
Islamic banks as contrasted with conventional banks, this could mean their
organizational structure or it could refer to the products that they are
offering. With regards to organizational structure, overall there are not very
significant differences between conventional and Islamic. The company could
have a chief executive officer at its helm with a board of directors as well as
departmental heads to run the operations. This is a generic structure applied
to most business organizations, but for Islamic banks there is an added Shariah
supervisory board made up of a group of Sharia committee to ensure that the
banks activities are run according to the Sharia guideline.
For the product offerings and how the
conduct their business, the current structure of Islamic banks is mostly based
on a profit and loss sharing system and is interest-free. The basic form of
financing comes in the form of the three well known structure namely mudarabah,
musyrakah and murabahah.
Khan (2016)
notes that most Islamic banks’ practices still closely mimics conventional
financing and is actively engaged in “duping observant Muslims” by presenting
their activities as though it is sharia compliant as well as charging higher
than conventional banking.
Challenges
As
mentioned, there are still hurdles to provide musharakah and mudarabah
financing on a large scale, as it is murabahah financing that is still
dominating the Islamic banking industry. Abdul Rahman and Mohd. Nor (2016)
interviewed two Malaysian Islamic banks and found that high risk of loss and
difficulty of choosing a partner to be among the challenges, this in particular
to the mode of mudarabah. Archer (2009) stated that the Islamic banks concept
of non-guaranteed returns serves as a problem in some countries, for instance
in the United Kingdom, as it does not meet the definition of deposit and
results in problems in regulatory framework of the country.
Any returns from depository funds
should not be in the form of a guarantee of the nominal value of deposits, but
only in the form of profit and this has structure has certain advantages due to
it being less rigid (Khan 1986). Alam (2013) avers that Islamic banks’
efficiency is positively influenced by the regulations related to the Basel II
components, stating that Islamic banks’ technical efficiency is actually better
in stricter regulatory conditions. Many Islamic banks has a mudarabah
Profit-Sharing Investment Account (PSIA) which certain scholars such as Visser
(2009) contends, could actually encourage Islamic banks’ managers to take more
risks and to invest in risky projects, thus can cause Islamic banks to engage
in excessive risk-taking. This possibility of excessive risk taking should be
averted by having tighter requirements by the Sharia supervisory board.
Under the PSIA contract, profits are
shared between Islamic banks and the PSIA holders according to a predetermined
ratio, the PSIA holder will bear the loss solely except if there is negligence
on the part of the banks. As mentioned, however, many banks lack this PSIA, in
terms of utilization. In Malaysia, Islamic banks are largely financed by
non-PLS modes of financing, with PLS constituting only of the total financing
offered by Islamic banks (Chang and Liu, 2009). Grasa (2016) found that even
though PLS as practiced in the GCC countries leads to lower probability of
insolvency, it is not the case for the PSIA and non-PSIA structure, where both
could contribute to higher risk of insolvency.
Islamic
banking should emphasis more on the attributes of ethics. The overall risk
taken by Islamic banks is considerably lower with the avoidance of gharar and
maysir, as well as Islamic banks are better able to pass negative shocks to the
assets through the profit-sharing arrangements (Mollah et al, 2016). Some studies shows that ethics have a considerable
effect on Islamic banks profitability as well as the level of capital (Toumi,
2019). It is hoped that Islamic banking can emphasize on this not just in words, but also in deeds and practices.
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